by SPEROS VRYONIS, JR.
I wish to address this vast subject, as vast as the very seas and oceans, in a very cursory manner in order to add a broad maritime contour to the subject "Contours of Hellenism." Though I have paid some attention to this matter over the last thirteen years, it has been intermittent and often disrupted. In so doing, there will be references to texts from the time of Homer to the present. Indeed the analysis will be restricted primarily to the texts and only secondarily to the scholarly study of these texts. Consequently, the first part of the narrative will be a very rapid and incomplete survey of some modern Greek texts that will give an insight as to how the modern Greeks view the sea and their relation to it. Suffice it to say, by way of reference to the history of the modern Greeks and the sea, there is an increasing body of historical research as to the rise of the Greek merchant marine, which from the second half of the eighteenth century and until our own days has been a primary factor in maritime commerce world wide. It is enough to send one to the historical researches of two Greek scholars, Vassiles Kremmydas and Gelina Harlaftis, who have laid the groundwork for the study of the institutional development and the economic consequences of the rise of the enormous Greek international tramp-shipping fleets.' Rather I shall turn to modern Greek literature, popular songs, folklore and narratives, though I am an expert in none of these, but rather a historian who derives pleasure and relaxation when he switches from archival and historiographical material to the literary and other domains.
SPEROS VRYONIS, JR. is distinguished professor emeritus of Hellenic Civilization at New York University.
In the August 9, 1987 article of Philippas Philippou in the newspaper Auge, the author raised the question, "is there a modern Greek literature of the sea?" and in one page answered in the affirmative with a brief enumeration of the poets and writers who qualify as having created a literature of the sea, as well as of those who write of life in the diaspora, etc. He gives primacy of position to Georgios Karkavitsas, Nikolaos Kavvadias and Demetrios Antoniou. At the same time he underlines the importance of the sea as sea but also as metaphor in the works of Elytis, Seferis, and Cavafy. One should commence this reference to the "maritime" texts with segments of Elytis' Axion Esti that deal with the cosmogony and glorification of the Greek world:
Then he spoke and the sea was born
and I gazed upon it and marveled
In its center he sowed little worlds in my
image and likeness
Horses of stone with mane erect
and tranquil amphorae
and slanting backs of dolphins
Jos, Sikinos, Serifos, Milos.
After having promulgated genesis of the Greek world the poet
turns to the sea and its creatures:
At the stroke of eleven
five fathoms deep
perch, bogy, seabream
with huge gills and short rudder tails,
Rising higher, I found
Sponges and starfish
and slender anemones,
and higher still, at the water's lip,
and half open mussels and algae
As poet of the Aegean Elytis pronounces the power of Homer and the Aegean Sea:
The poet of clouds and waves sleeps inside me!
His dark lips always on the hurricane's nipple
and his soul always in the sea's kick
against the mountain's shin!
And, he closes this part with an encomium of the Greek ships:
Praised be .. .
The ships on black feet
The ships, those goats of the Hyperboreans
The ships, pawns of the North Star and Sleep. .
Full of algae and the hazels of Athos
smelling of dregs and ancient carobs
their bows painted like the icons of saints
heeling and motionless, at once. 2
The poetic epithets and nouns which Elytis employs to denote the sea, et al., consist of some 100 separate words; 58 are used in Homer, 32 in post-Homeric classical Greek. These words are, for the most part, alive in today's Greek.
The prose composition of Georgios Karkavitsas', Logia tes plores, demonstrates substantial familiarity with the nature and dangers of sea life, life on board, and the antithetic relation between the differing social values of the sailor and the farmer. For example, when one sea captain wishes to upbraid another sea captain or a sailor the aggressor employs one, two, three or four terms:
karavana—eater at the mess
In the opening chapter of the book, entitled "Thalassa," there takes place in the life of the orphaned teenage protagonist a basic alteration of lifestyle. He leaves the village home, on the land, and takes service on the merchant ship whose captain is his own uncle. The author places a part of the narrative in the mouth of the new young sailor who describes the wildness and ferocity of the maritime storms and then parallels this maritime wildnessand ferocity with those of his uncle the captain. In short, he describes his life at sea in very grim terms:
From ship to ship from captain to captain, from trip to trip, and so I passed ten years at sea . . . and what was the
gain? . . . So I decided or accepted that either the waves would devour me, or the sea would return me to the world
as mere flesh and bones . . . and all the world of sailors undergoes all these blows. I served on many ships, and I
also saw (the lands of) the foreigners . . . The life of the sailors was the same everywhere. I was cursed by the captain,
treated with contumely by those who loaded on (their) freights, menaced by the sea, and rejected by the land. 4
After a ten year period of salination at sea, the weary young sailor returned to the land, only to find his abandoned home a hovel and no income, and so consents to a proposed marriage, from the father, to Mario who lives in a nearby village. And then, he says, "for three years I lived a real life." What this "real life" was, Karkavitsas allows his young hero to narrate:
I learned to dig with the pick and I worked the orchard,the vineyard and the field. I did not realize that the time
was fleeting, all was work and love. At one time we dug, and then we ran around under the citrus trees like newborn
chicks. I learned to dig around the citrus trees, to prune the vineyards and to plow the field. I had an income of 50
dollars per year from the citrus, 20 from the wine, and 40 from the wheat . . . For the first time I saw real money in
my hands. The mute earth created a thousand manners, colors, forms, aromas, fruits, and flowers in order to cry out
its "thank you" for my labors.'
Obviously Karkavitsas is here praising the virtues, pleasures, ease and profit of life on the land, in contrast to his penury from his life on the sea. But after three years of such a calm, harmonious, and profitable life the young hero felt unrequited and perhaps bored. One day when he went down to the darsanas where the carpenters/shipbuilders were finishing a briki for the sea captain Malamos, the sea shone from the brilliant reflection of the sun, and as he stood at its edge, barefooted, the gentle waves came up and caressed his feet. As it did so, the young man thought that he heard the sea speak to him secretly:
Come, come that I might embrace you in my breast, so that with one kiss I might revive you. Why do you sit, a
lifeless stick, asleep . . . shame on you! Come out to grapple with the wave. Leap out to smack the wave with your
chest. Come and be the object of the whale's jealousy, companion of the dolphin, respite of the sea gull, the (subject
of) the song of the sailors, and the pride of your captain. Come, my golden one, come. 6
Finally the young man decided to abandon this calm and comfortable life, as well as the land, and to go back to his mistress, thesea. He announces to his wife Mario:
I have decided to leave and neither offerings to the Virgin nor to the saints can curb my desire. For, I am a child of
the sea. It beckons me and I reply.?
In a later chapter, dedicated to an imaginary episode in the life and community of the sponge divers/fishermen during the season when the sponge fleets leave the Dodecanese, Cyclades and other islands for the sponge bank off Libya, Karkavitsas describes the perilous lives of these daring seafarers. Here the clash of Greek islanders with local Arabs, as with the local sharks, is complicated by internal quarrels over the first rights to the various sponge beds. 8
The liveliness of sponge divers and sailors who service them comes to the fore, much as in the diary of Lord Elgin, a diary which records the shipwreck of the English ship Mentor, which was carrying an important part of the treasure that he had pillaged from the Parthenon frieze. The ship was wrecked and sank at the outside entry to the harbor of the island of Cythera, and the agents of Elgin had to hire Greek sponge divers to secure the Mentor's invaluable cargo, all seventeen boxes of which had been taken from the Acropolis, primarily from the Parthenon and the temple of Victory. The wreck occurred on September 16, 1802, whereas the captain of the Mentor concluded an agreement with the sponge divers from Kalymnos to undertake the entire salvage of the ship's treasures for about 7,000 piastres. After the agreement, in November the sponge divers managed to secure and to have hauled up four of the seventeen boxes aboard the sunken Mentor, and these four contained marbles from the temple of Victory. Further progress was impossible due to the fact that a large ship was needed in order to free the larger boxes with Parthenon marbles.
Also, the sponge divers (now said to be from Simi) could no longer dive after December 18, because of the cold. The divers returned to Cythera in February of 1803. By September of 1804 the salvage operations had been completed by the sponge divers and the remaining boxes recovered from their ten fathoms of water. 9
Thus the fictional account of Karkavitsas as to the life of the sponge divers comes to light in the infamous matter of the taking of the Acropolis marbles by Lord Elgin. Finally, the partial migration/ establishment of a part of this sponge fishermen's community to and in Tarpon Springs, Florida, has been laid out by two American anthropologists, my late mother Dr. Helen Touliatou Halley and Professor Edwin C. Buxbaum.t°
In turning to the Alexandrian poet Constantine Cavafy we have an insightful gaze as to the nuances of Greek diasporic life.Much of his poetry utilizes a backward looking in time, to the Hellenistic and Roman times when the Greeks of Italy, Syria and Egypt lived very much in diasporic communities which were gradually subjected to the rising demographic influence and absorption by the older native communities of Egyptians, Syrians and Romans. The poet's nuances are undoubtedly due to the fact that he too lived much of his life in Egypt, England, and Istanbul, a part of a much smaller Greek minority amid other peoples and cultures. Thus this ethnic and cultural mixture and finally assimilation in such diasporic communities were endemic. He writes of such cultural assimilation in the case of the ancient Greek apoikia (colony) of Poseidonia in southern Italy, relying on the late ancient Greek author Athenaios:
The Poseidoniates have forgotten their language,
mixed as they became over so many centuries
with Tyrrhenians and Latins, and with other foreigners.
The only patrimony which they have retained
was a Hellenic festival, with beautiful ceremonies,
with lyres and flutes, with athletic contests and crowns.
And they had the habit, toward the end of the festival,
to narrate their ancient customs and to
recite their ancient names which
barely a few now understood.
And this festival always ended melancholically
for they recalled that they too had once been Hellenes.
Now how low had they fallen, what had they become
so as to live and to speak like barbarians
removed-0 tragedy—from Hellenism."
It is interesting to note that at the time Cavafy wrote this poem modern Greek was slowly disappearing from the last few Grecophone communities of southern Italy.
In the early summer of 1999 the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America released a report which it had commissioned on the present state and future of modern Greek as a spoken and read language in the more than five hundred Greek American communities in the United States.In fact it was the first official announcement that the language is on its last linguistic legs and will soon become the restricted domain of a few.' 2
The second use of the sea, and specifically of the sea voyage metaphorically, it is as a parallel for the course of an individual Life:
When you set out on the voyage to Ithaca,
pray that your journey may be long,
full of adventures, full of knowledge.
Of the Laestrygonians and the Cyclopes
and of furious Poseidon, do not be afraid,
for such on your journey you shall never meet
if your thoughts remain lofty, if a select
emotion imbue your spirit and your body.
. . .
Pray that your journey may be long,
that many may those summer mornings be
when with what pleasure, what untold delight
you enter harbors you've not seen before,
that you stop at Phoenician market places
to procure the goodly merchandise,
mother of pearl and coral, amber, ebony,
and voluptuous perfumes of every kind. . . .
that you venture on to many Egyptian cities
to learn and yet again to learn from the sages.
But you must always keep Ithaca in mind.
The arrival there is your predestination.
Yet do not by any means hasten your voyage.
Let it best endure for many years,
until grown old at length you anchor at your island
rich with all you have acquired on the way.
You never hoped that Ithaca would give you riches.
Ithaca has given you the lovely voyage.
Without her you would not have ventured on the way.
She has nothing more to give you now.
Poor though you may find her, Ithaca has not deceived you.
Now that you have become so wise, so full of experience,
you will have understood the meaning of an Ithaca.' 3
Maritime activity is tightly linked, in modern Greek society and culture, to emigration, to the nostalgia of return of the lonesome and often persecuted emigrant, and to the pain and sadness of the family which has to send its children abroad." As the child of emigrant parents I have witnessed this nostalgia, the disorientation of the emigrant in a land whose culture and language he does not initially understand and which in many cases he or she will never succeed in mastering. The brute force of being an unspecialized laborer, the periodic economic depressions, the loneliness, the necessity of supporting unmarried sisters and impoverished parents, unfamiliar foods and diets, strange music and humor, and finally xenophobia, have taken a tragic toll in the lives of emigrants from many lands. Though I was born in this country, educated here, raised and buried members of my family here, the pull of return to see the homes of my father and mother, to see my loving grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews, nieces was for decades among the strongest emotional forces in my life. The receptions I have always been given by my relatives on the island of Cephallonia have been nothing short of ecstatic.
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
The frustrated desire of my late mother to see her aging mother and her sisters in Greece before she too passed away (a stroke victim who could not travel) was a bane and a source of sorrow throughout the last forty-four years of her life."Popular Greek lyrics and music, whether demotika tragoudia or rembetika, are full of the sadness of xeniteia and nostalgia, from the side both of the emigrant and of those who were left behind. A few examples from this extraordinary and rich body will suffice.
1. E xeniteia (Living abroad in a foreign land)
by Apostolos Kaldares (b. 1922)
Living abroad has aged me
and has devoured my life.
Mother I can no longer bear it.
It has consumed my body.
Foreign lands inflict countless sorrows
Most of them poison
It banishes life from little boys
and dissolves their bodies.
I shall leave, for I am unable,
I wish to live near you
and thus to escape from the sorrows
Of life in a foreign land.' 6
2. The ships go to and return from abroad
Kostas Kaplanes (b. 1921)
The boats come from and go to foreign lands
The boats come and go in great number
But the boat which will bring my boy has
which I so long await.
To whom shall I inquire about you, whom
shall I greet . . . ?
. . .
The boats have departed and are gone
and the ports are empty, as I
search the sea's horizons in search of my boy
and I wait and hope .. . 17
3. Paidia xenitemena (expatriated children)
Odysseas Moschonas (b. 1912)
Beloved little ones
sent abroad too early,
I your poor mother bore you
but a foreign land rejoices in you.
One of you in America
the other farther away,
and I, unjustly, await
to see one bright day.
Beloved little ones
please return to me,
Before I die like some
barren tree.' 8
Finally, these rembetika combine emigration with lost loves: Particularly appropriate are the couplets, set to bouzouki by Gr. Asikes around 1936, and entitled, "Ellenoamerikana":
You left for America and you burned my heart,
And now I am troubled for we are far apart.
You wanted dollars and not my love
and you left me my tears from above.
May she be boiled alive, your evil mana
as she willed and made you an Ellenoamerikana. 19
What is not often mentioned in the rembetika is the fact that it was usually the young female who was torn from her sweetheart in Greece, and married to some total Greek stranger in a hostile land.
The rembetika however also have their lighter side in relation to the sea, pleasure and travel. Such a case is the rembetiko, "To meltemaki" (The little meltemi wind), by Stelios Kiromytes (b. 1903):
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One Sunday down in Faliron
when coolness fell on the grass
I had a crazy boatride
with a pretty little lass.
And the meltemaki was all a blowing
that made our passions all a glowing.
The night was full of stars
and the moon was high above,
The moon was shining down
upon my little dove.
The coming/going of the oars
brought craziness thru the senses' doors.
From the boat's pitching to and fro
and as we were beyond all hope
Suddenly we found ourselves astern
entangled in the rope.
Reader please tend to your own affair
and do not ask that we the story's end
lay bare. 2°
A somewhat more sophisticated and luxurious boat of pleasure is envisioned in the rembetiko of Giorgos Mouphlouzeles (b. 1912), entitled Angaze naho vapori (that I might have a boat rented exclusively to me). Whereas the former song of Kiromytes dealt with a humble rowboat on which the elements conspired to lead the lunar couple to make ends meet, that of Mouphlouzeles conceives of pleasure as something complex, which calls for careful planning and much expense.
Oh how I like to sail in calm blue waters
in a luxurious cabin with pockets full of dollars
so that I might play poker and kum kan with ladies
and flirt and drink no matter whether I win or lose.
And in the night and with the fellows
to dance and the bouzoukaki to hear
so that we might rejoice on board
and also those on the shore that are near. 21
A pleasure boat thus is a vehicle not only for romance and sexual pleasure but for gambling, dance and music.
Modern Greek folklore is yet another mirror in which are reflected maritime superstitions and popular beliefs concerning relations of benevolent dolphins and endangered sailors, of the water spirits known as Nereids and their relations with men, and concerning the watery kingdom of the old man of the sea. Many of these were collected by Nikolaos Polites in his magisterial works on Greek folklore. In the case of the dolphins he recorded the following popular narrative:
In olden times whenever a ship was sailing and some man would fall into the sea, the dolphin would take him on his
back and would put him out on the beach. The man would give the dolphin a push and would throw it back into the
sea. It happened however that once the man that the dolphin had on his back died so that he was not able to push
the dolphin, and so the dolphin died. From that time the dolphins no longer save men. 22
The old man of the sea, or the daemon as he was sometimes called, is a brilliant figure in modern Greek mythology:
The daemon of the sea is half man and half fish, and he holds in his hands a trident. Be has great wealth and sleeps on gold plate, because whatever is lost in the sea is his. Sometimes he rides a dolphin and at other times he gets in his chariot that is drawn by two dolphins. 23
The Nereids are omnipresent in modern Greek folklore and so one example from the latter will suffice here: The Nereids are very beautiful women, with long blond hair, and they love joys and good times. Many times they take away good singers and musicians so that the latter will entertain them with their songs and instruments. But they also take away handsome youths. Thus it is that the latter are impotent with (human) women, because while they were younger the Nereids had taken them away. 24
Though this folklore is very extensive these three examples are enough to give us some picture of the magical maritime world,
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
with its daemons, Nereids, dolphins and various other actual fish and mammals.
One must also examine, very briefly, the legal and institutional structures which characterized much of maritime commerce and sailing in the early modern period, down into the nineteenth century.
For this last detail in the modern maritime life of the Greeks I shall refer to a very short passage and observation of a western witness, Henry Holland, who visited parts of Greece, and specifically the island of Hydra, between the years 1812-1813:
It is the system of the Hydriotes, however, that every person on board their ships, even the cabin boy, has a share in
the speculations either in lieu of wages, for which the proportion is duly registered, or by the investment of the savings
which anyone may have made. Every Hydriote sailor is therefore more or less a merchant, and is furnished with
the strongest motive to habitual industry, in the opportunity of thereby advancing his fortunes in life. The ships
of the island have usually very numerous crews, who are reckoned among the most skilful sailors of the Mediterranean.25
* * *
In the preceding, brief analysis the discussion has touched upon the modern Greek merchant marine, the choice of life among modern Greeks between the life of the farmer and shepherd on the one hand, and that of the sailor on the sea, and of life as an emigrant in foreign lands. It had, also, reference to the maritime specializations of the sponge divers and fishermen, the maritime society aboard the ship, the mythical populations of the sea, and finally the social and economic status of sailors on maritime merchant ventures.
The latter half of the examination will attempt to analyze texts/traditions from Ottoman, Byzantine, and Greco-Roman times that bear on the above and yet other related maritime topics.' The first of the presentation was thus a horizontal or synchronic approach to the modern Greek relations to the sea, whereas the second will be vertical or diachronic. Hopefully the total analysis will result in suggestions of a three-dimensional historical grid of some of these relations of the Greeks to the sea not only in modern times but from a much earlier time.
Let us begin with the economic and social status of sailors on Greek merchant vessels. This subject is indeed much broader but its crux is the role and position of the sailors in what is a somewhat capitalistic enterprise financed by the shipowners, the captains and the merchants.
In the year 1793 the Ottoman kapudan pasha Husein issued a decree which is of no small interest: It is an ancient custom of your land that whenever there is a profit in the voyage of a boat the crew and companions shall take their share, thus also when there is loss, each member of the crew and (each) companion shall pay in proportion to that which he takes. . . . 27
How old was this "ancient custom" or institution to which the Kapudan Pasha refers? This provision, as to sharing of loss and profits by the crew, is spelled out clearly in the major Byzantine maritime code, the so-called "Rhodian Law" which was drawn up between AD 600 and 800. A master's pay two shares; a steerman's one share and a half; a master's mate's one share and a half; a carpenter's one share and a half; a boatswain's one share and a half; a sailor's one share; a cook's half a share. 28 As for losses the Byzantine maritime code provides also for the share in the loss of the sailors. Not only does the Rhodian Law provide for the participation of the crew in maritime merchant ventures, it has eight other provisions which were still in force at the time of the Kapudan Pasha's decree (the nature of maritime loans, the provision that the journey must be safely concluded for the law to take effect; exemption from payment in case of storms, piratical or foreign ships which intervene; in cases of wreckage and scattering of cargo, both remain property of the owners; conditions and procedures for jettison of cargo, etc.).29
Specifically the provision for participation in the commerce of the members of the crew is much older than Byzantine practice.
Athenaios, author of the scissors and paste Deipnosophistae has preserved a very interesting text regarding a famous ancient Greek cook. The much sought-after cook tells a potential client that he does not accept just any customer for the preparation of great banquets, and in particular he avoids the type of sea captain who has just suffered commercial loss:
A sea-captain offers sacrifice to pay a vow; he has lost the mast or rudder of his ship and completely wrecked it, or
has tossed the cargo overboard when he was full of water. I let that kind of man alone, because he never does
anything for pleasure, but only through custom. While the libations are poured, he is calculating how big a share of
the loss he can levy on the passengers . . . and each of them must eat his own victuals. 3°
Ultimately this phenomenon of sailors who are simultaneously merchants is mentioned in the Homeric Odyssey, in the scene where the Phaeacians in the royal court are trying to uncover the mystery of Odysseus' identity:
Then Euryalus made answer and taunted him (Odysseus) to his face: "Hey verily, stranger, for I do not liken thee to
a man that is skilled in contests, such as abound among men, but to one who, faring to and fro with his benched
ship is a captain of sailors who are merchantmen, one who is mindful of his freight, and has charge of a home-cargo,
and the gains of his greed. Thou dost not look like an athlete."31
Thus the sailor merchant has a history that is present in Homer and some 2,400 years later in the decree of the Ottoman Kapudan Pasha. Indeed it is a remarkable testimony to the social and economic stability of the Greek tradition of maritime merchant activity.Much else is also present that we have no time to examine here.
The choice of life, and the various virtues and disadvantages of these types of life among modern Greeks, have all taken on much broader and denser proportions in the modern society of the Greeks. The choice of one of three basic lifestyles, that of the farmer/shepherd, the sailor/merchant, or the emigrant, all of which we saw reflected in Karkevitsas, Kavvadias, Soukas, the demotika and rembetika are in a sense not new at all. The Seljuk and Ottoman conquests brought demographic turmoil to the Greek world and set off major population movements. There were general flights from large parts of Byzantine Asia Minor, from many of the conquered towns of both Anatolia and the Balkans, as in most cases the urban centers became Turkish and Muslim centers. 32
Further, Greeks began to emigrate to such cities as Venice, Trieste, Rome, eventually to German, French, Russian, and English commercial centers. Therein they set up communities based on legal charters bestowed by various foreign authorities and even in the Ottoman empire there began to appear types of legally based communities of Greeks. Gradually these communities established semi-autonomous structures and incomes.
Consequently, at the time of the Greek revolution there was already an older Hellenic diaspora in many European cities, in Egypt, Syria and Palestine. Very often many of these communities were tied into the commerce between the Ottomans and Europe, either by land caravans or through Greek shipping houses. These communities had their own self-regulating mechanisms, officials, treasuries and schools.In Byzantine times the empire in its stronger days provided ample economic opportunities and internal migration. In ancient times, especially during the post-Alexander conquests but also in the period between the 8-6th centuries BC, Greeks left their homes because of poverty and politico-social strife and found countless numbers of colonies around much of the Mediterranean, all located on or near the sea. They too, as in the case of later migrations, had little or no political or legal relation to their original fatherlands. 33
We glanced briefly at the phenomenon of xeniteia and nostalgia in the lives of the modern Greeks, both those that left and those left behind. The recently edited text of the unknown Cretan author, entitled "Peri tes xeniteias," written about 1400 in demotic or vernacular Greek, is longer than the rembetika, but it is essentially the same lament of the bitterness and sadness of life among expatriates in foreign lands. It already includes those themes mentioned in the rembetika, and they are actually catalogued. And, they are written, essentially, in the same modern Greek. 34
For the theme of nostos and xeniteia we go back to the Anthologia Graeca to an epigram addressed to the Greeks of Eretreia who had been removed to the inner lands of the Persian empire in the fifth century BC.
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We having at one time abandoned the loudroaring swell of the Aegean we now dwell in the midst of the plain of Ecbatana.
Hail, o former renowned fatherland, Eretreia. Hail, Athens neighbor of Euboia. Hail, beloved sea. 35
Hail, o former renowned fatherland, Eretreia. Hail, Athens neighbor of Euboia. Hail, beloved sea. 35
It is of interest to note that the epigram closes with the salutation,
"Hail, beloved sea." At the end of the same century Xenophon and the ten thousand Greek mercenaries who had been hired to support the unsuccessful revolt of Cyrus in Persia were finally cut off and surrounded in the midst of a hostile land empire and had to fight their way back to northern Asia Minor, where at Trebizond they finally caught sight of their beloved sea: And looking down on the sea, a great cry arose .. .
Xenophon and the rear guard having shared this, pushed forward to attack the enemies . . . since a shout of the majority became closer ... it seemed to Xenophon that something great had transpired . . . and suddenly they heard the soldiers shout "thalatta, thalatta," as they came closer and when they had all reached the height there they embraced one another, both generals and captains, weeping . . . 36
The dream of return, nostos, had become a reality.
The poem par excellence of xeniteia and of nostos is of course the Odyssey.
The extreme harshness of xeniteia due to poverty and social strife is manifested in the decree of the island of ancient Thera, which sent on forced emigration the superfluous population of the island to found an apoikia in Cyrene in 630 BC. All those who should refuse to depart were to be executed, and of those who went no one was allowed to return before five years had passed. 37
Emigration constituted but one of the choices of lifestyle we have discussed, the other two being those of landlubber-farmer and of maritime sailor or merchant. In effect land poverty and exposure to the sea were the factors that pushed average Greeks to such a choice. Ancient and medieval Greek literature have treated this conflict in the choices from the time of Hesiod into late Byzantine times.
Byzantine literature usually sets out, in rhetorical progymnasmata, the opposition of these two basic lifestyles. Of these the pagan author Libanios has left us five examples dealing with the opposition of land and sea:
1. Synkrisis nautilias kai georgics: The argument is as follows:
Agriculture is more ancient because of necessity. Maritime life came later, and was caused by greed and piracy. Sailing is dangerous, farming is safe. Justice is best, injustice worse. The former is healthier, the latter induces sickness, death. "It is sweetest to be buried in the fatherland . . . for sailors their grave is the sea and ultimately the bellies of fish."
2. The ekphrasis on "Harbors"—they make possible exchange between, and connect land, cities.
3. The ekphrasis on naval and land battles—land battles are determined by strength, naval battles by both strength and skill.
4. The thesis—the subject is seafaring: Sailing and maritime commerce are devised by Athena for she saw that agriculture was unprofitable for sustenance of life. Thus the two are divine gifts. "It follows that seafaring was procured . . . from the gods and so it is of the greatest advantage to all . . . seafaring brings equal advantage to all, for it brings honor to the gods and wealth to man. " 38
Maritime commerce and the military navy were also highly prized in Byzantium, and all brought substantial benefits to its society until the crises of the eleventh century, when the Italian city states with their commercial and military navies took political and commercial control of the Mediterranean. 39
In Greek antiquity the advantages and disadvantages of maritime life, politics, and commerce were fought out by armies and navies in the realm of war, and by the massive development of maritime commerce on the sea. In literature Hesiod stands at the beginning of an important literary tradition which from Homer until the rembetika debated the advantages and disadvantages of life on the sea. In all cases, modern, Ottoman, Byzantine and ancient Greek literature closely reflects the choices of lifestyles among maritime, terrestrial, and migrational activity. Karkavitsas,in his open and clear apposition of the maritime and agrarian styles of life, is obviously under the literary influence of a very long literary tradition which debated the pros and cons of each. Indeed, that portion of his Logia tes Plores seems like a scholarly insertion into a very different kind of text. Karkavitsas' description of the activities of the insular sponge divers, as well as other descriptions of Greek fishermen, opens a vast subject which can only be touched upon here for the pre-modern Greek period. The invaluable books of Devedjian and of Kahane and Tietse are valuable sources and aids in any discussion of Mediterranean ichthyology and fisheries. In particular the illustrations of the many types of tunny nets, or madragues in French,are of particular use for the brief discussion that follows.40
The Black, Marmara, Aegean, Mediterranean, and Tyrrhenian seas are, and have been historically, crucial breeding grounds for the larger and smaller fish which have always been so important in the diets and economics of the Mediterranean peoples. Fishing, fisheries, and diet have been greatly influenced, throughout historical times, by this maritime economic and gastronomic orientation. Devedjian gives over fifty illustrations, complete with explanations, of the various types of nets used in the waters of the former Ottoman empire. 41 The actual fishing techniques seem to be pre-Ottoman, as the Turks were gradually initiated into fishing and maritime diets by their Byzantine predecessors. For a long time Turkish preserved many of the ichthyological names before translating them into Turkish.42 A primary source for all this is the long travelogue of the Ottoman traveler, Evliya Chelebi: The fishermen who fish with the nets called karatia. We have counted in the harbor of Constantinople, from the Serai's point to Ayyub, on both sides of the shore, 150 nets called Karatia. Ten fishermen, descended from the Greeks, who opened the gates of Petri, to Mohammad II, are even now free of all duties and give no tithes to the Inspector of Fisheries. Karatis is the name of the fishing apparatus, which consists of a yard of pole stretching out from a house on the shore, with a square net fastened to the end of it, by which the fish are caught. The Greeks inhabiting the shore of the harbor are all subject to the jurisdiction of the Bostanji-bachi, without whose leave they are not allowed to fix a stake in the sea, they pay to him for every stake a ducat."43
More comprehensive are the dalyans organized for catching the larger fish (tunnies, swordfish, and others): The fishermen who look out from wooden hustlings (dalyans) are 700 men. The chief dalyan is at Begkoz for the catching of xiphias (swordfish), where a man looks out from a high mast, and if he sees the fishing coming he throws a stone into the water, so as to frighten the fish into the net spread for them. Then they draw the net, kill the fish with cudgels, and bring it to Constantinople. There are three dalyans for catching the xiphias, the fourth is for catching the kalkan-balighi (rhombos) at the place called the Black Stones. The other dalyans are established on both sides of the canal of Constantinople for catching the scombro, palamedon, kefal, pachur, palaria, lufer and so many thousand sorts of fish, the names of which are unknown to me. 44
He then speaks of the sponge divers:All the inhabitants of the island of Symo (Simi), opposite Rhodes, are divers. . . . The inhabitants are four thousand Greeks, who pay kharadj, and are all expert divers, only to be rivaled by the divers of Hormuz. They take oil into their mouths, and dive to the depth of seventy fathoms: arrived at the bottom they spit out the oil the drops of which are converted under water into so many looking glasses, by which they espy even a small coin or a needle on the ground: then picking it up, they ascend again the height of seventy fathoms, with an art no less admirable than the diving down . . .
They bring up, from the bottom of the sea, sponges and the goods of ships. 45
Byzantine authors mention the "thunnoskopoi" but we have to go back to ancient Greek authors of the Roman imperial period to find detailed descriptions of the techniques for fishing the large fish and for sponge diving.
Aelian of Praeneste (170-235) provides us with the description for the fishing of the large tunny: Now the inhabitants of . that country know exactly of the coming of the tunny, and at that season . the fish arrive, and much gear is gotten ready to deal with them, boats and nets and a high lookout place . . . fixed on some beach and stands where there is a wide uninterrupted view.. . . The watchman mounts to the top. Each of the boats has six young men, strong rowers, on either side. The nets are of considerable length; they are not too light . . . being actually weighted with lead, and these fish swim into them in shoals . . . The watcher, whose mysterious skill and .. . sharp sight enable him to see the fish, announces to the fishermen the quarter from which they are coming. . . . He instructs them to spread their nets . . . And frequently he will tell the total number of fish . . . and this is what happens. When the . . . tunnies make for the open sea the man in the lookout . . . shouts . . . telling the men to give chase . . . and to row straight for the open sea. And they after fastening to one of the pines supporting the lookout a very long rope attached to the nets, then proceed to row their boats in close order in column, keeping near to one another because the net is distributed between each boat. . . . Now the tunny are sluggish and incapable of any action that involves daring, and they remain huddled together and quite still. So the rowers, as though it were a captured city, take captive . . . the population of fishes. 46
The wooden lookout, the thunnoskopos or tunny watcher, the boats and the nets are exactly the techniques described one and one-half millennium later by Evliya Chelebi and more recently by Devedjian, Inspector General of the modern Turkish fisheries. Yet another Greek author roughly contemporary with Aelian, Oppian, gives us a classic description, in his Halieutica, of the sponge diver at work:
When the sponge-cutters prepare themselves for their labor, they use meagre food and drink, and indulge themselves in sleep . . . so do they zealously take all watchful care that their breath may abide unscathed when they go down into the depths, they make their vows to the blessed gods who rule the deep sea and pray that they ward off all hurt from the monsters of the deep . . . and so they turn to their labors. The diver is girt with a long rope above his waist and, using his both hands, in one he grabs a heavy mass of lead, and in his right hand he holds a sharp bill, while in the jaws of his mouth he keeps white oil. Standing upon the prow of the ship he scans the waves of the sea, pondering his heavy task and the infinite water. His comrades incite and stir him to his work with encouraging words . . . But when he takes heart of courage, he leaps into the eddying waves and as he springs the force of the heavy grey lead drags him down. Now when he arrives at the bottom he spits out the oil, and it shines brightly and the gleam mingles with the water, even as a beacon showing its eye in the darkness of the night. Approaching the rocks he sees the sponges. Straightway rushing upon them with the bill in his stout hand, like a mower, he cuts the body of the sponges, and he loiters not, but quickly shakes the rope, signalling to his comrades to pull him up swiftly . . .
Therefore although he is pulled up swiftly to the surface and beholding him escaped from the sea one would rejoice, but also he would grieve and pity, so much are his weak members relaxed and his limbs unstrung with fear and distressful labor. Often however, when the sponge cutter has leapt into the deep waters of the sea and has taken his .. . spoil, he comes up no more, unhappy man, having encountered some huge and hideous beast. Shaking repeatedly the rope he bids his comrades pull him up, and the mighty sea monster and the companions of the fisher pull at this body rent in twain, a pitiful sight to see . . . and they in sorrow speedily leave these waters and their mournful labor and return to the land, weeping over the remains of their unhappy comrade. 47
The biological historian and taxonomist of sea life, Aristotle, has much to say about fishes and sponges in his Historia Animalium,so that very early the ancient Greeks had provided even a scientificbasis for their relations with the sea."
And what of the pleasure which the ancient Greeks derivedfrom the sea, travel, fishing and the like? We have seen that bothmodern Greeks and the Ottoman authors associated many pleasurable activities with the sea. Evliya Chelebi touts the pleasure of Greek seafood restaurants in seventeenth century Istanbul, as well as of other Ottoman coastal cities: The fish cooks (in Istanbul) are nine hundred men, with five hundred restaurants. They are all infidel Greeks, who cook fish in different ways, some with olive oil, and some with linseed oil . . . fine boys are ready for service in their shops, with white kerchiefs and neat basins and cans. They cook midia-pilaf, oysters and soup of kefal. . . . In the public processions (of the guilds) they pass by singing songs and making jests."
Athenaeus (c. AD 200) gives numerous recipes for fish dinners one of which consists of fourteen courses of seafood." He names famous seafood gourmets, and Aristotle attributes certain aphrodisiacal qualities to particular seafood."
Rather than refer to the seafood menus and recipes of the ancient Greeks and Romans, I should like to conclude with a brief reference to another kind of maritime pleasure, that provided by certain luxury boats. The Greek Anthology has preserved a number of such descriptions.
The epigram is that of Antiphilus of Byzantium (first century AD):
On a Ship on Board of which Prostitutes were Crossing
Sea Carrying about their Evil Commerce
Formerly I was a business partner to a man of gain (the ship is "speaking") at that time when he took on as a
passenger common Kypris. Thence he constructed my keel so thatKypris could gaze upon me rolling into the sea from
land.This is my equipment for love. There aredelicate white sails (the sheets) and a delicate seaweed (mattress) above
the boards (boat bottom) Now you sailors, all of you, come and mount my prow courageously, for I know how to carry
1Vassiles Kremmydas, Ellenike nautilia 1776-1815 (Athens, 1985-86) I-II;Emporikes praktikes sto telos tes Tourkokratias. Mykoniates emporoi kai ploioktetes(Athens, 1993). Gelina Harlaftis, Greek Seamen and Greek Steamships on the Eve of the First World War (Mykonos, 1994); A History of Greek-owned Shipping. The Making of an International Tramp Fleet, 1830 to the Present Day (London-New York, 1996); Greek Shipowners & Interdependence (London & Athalone Highlands, NJ, 1993); "Modern Greek Economic History: A Bibliographical Essay," Modern Greek Society: A Social Science Newsletter, 18 (December 1990), 1-65. George Leon, "The Greek Merchant Marine (1453-1850)," in Stelios A. Papadopoulos, ed., The Greek Merchant Marine (1453-1850), The National Bank of Greece (Athens, 1972), 13-52. Vassiles Kardasses, Apo tou istiou eis ton atmon. Ellenike emporike nautilia 1858-1914 (Athens, 1993); Ellenike omogeneia ste notio Rosia 1775-1861 (Athens, 1998), to appear in English translation in the publication series of the Speros Basil Vryonis Center; Syros. Stavrodromoi tes anatolikes Memgeiou (1833-1857) (Athens, 1999). Konstantinos Papathanasopoulos, Ellenike emporike nautike (1833-1856) (Athens, 1983). Kostes Varphes, To elleniko nautiko kata ten kapodistriake periodo. Ta chronia tes prosarmoges (Athens, 1990).
Andreas G. Laimos, To nautikon ton genus ton Ellenon (Athens, 1960-1968), I-II; E emporike nautilia tes Chiou (Athens, 1963). Yiannes Vlassopoulos, Odysseas. Ena karavi tes Ithakes (1837-1841) (Athens, 1992). Nikos S. Vlassopoulos, E nautilia ton lonion Neson 1700-1864 (Athens, 1995), I-II. Mathaios D. Los, Les armatures grecs et les transports internationaux de marchandises en vrac (Mauraz, 1981). A.I. Tzamtzes, Ta Liberty kai of Ellenes. To chroniko mias eirenikes armadas (Athens, 1984). Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century(1700-1800) (Athens, 1992); Oi Chiotes emporoi stes diethneis synallages (1750-1850) (Athens, 1995). Oikonomikos Tachydromos, issue of July 30, 2000, E nearota tes ellenikes nautilias, contains a number of articles on various aspects of modernGreek shipping.
2Odysseus Elytis, The Axion Esti, translated and annotated by Edmund Keeley and George Savidis (London-Pittsburgh, 1974) 8-9, 12-15, 56-57, 134-
3A. Karkavitsas, Logia tex plores. Thalassina diegemata (Athens, n.d.). A most interesting anthology of modern Greek poets of the sea is that of Antones Phostieres and Thanases Th. Niarchos, Ellenes poietes yia ten thalassa (Athens, 1997). For a lusty and impressive view of life in the Greek boats and in the streets of their ports of call, read the works of Nikolaos Kavvadias,
The Collected Poems of Nikos Kavvadias, translated by Gail Holst-Warhaft (Amsterdam, 1987).
Philippas Philippou, 0 politikos Nikos Kavvadias (Athens, n.d.). Kavvadias speaks of the horror of dying on land as in contrast to dying in the sea, Kavvadias- Warhaft, 56-57. He also speaks of landsickness as in contrast to seasickness:
Kavvadias, Warhaft, 131:The boatswain' wakes up and begins to curse a mulatto who cries and a bottle of gin. Somewhere at sea, nine thousand miles off, the shark is waiting and he's getting bored.
Elle Papademetriou, 0 koinos logos. Aphegemata, 2nd ed. (Athens, 1975), I-III,has gathered ordinary oral narratives which reflect the reactions to the sea of ordinary people, among other types of narratives.
4Karkavitsas, Logia, 18. In many ways the work of Kostes Soukas, Thalassa,
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
2nd ed. (Athens, 1958?) is parallel to that of Karkevitsas, with graphic descriptions of violent sea storms and shipwreck.
5Karkavitsas, Logia, 20. 6Karkavitsas, Logia, 22. 7Karkavitsas, Logia, 24-25. 8Karkavitsas, Logia, 81-96.
9A.H. Smith, "Lord Elgin and His Collection," The joouurrnnaall of Hellenic Studies 36 (1916), 231-260.
"Helen Touliatou Halley, "A Historical Functional Approach to the Study of the Greek Community of Tarpon Springs," doctoral dissertation, Columbia University (New York, 1952). A larger and quite different text, "The Isles
Astern," remains unpublished, in the personal archives of Speros Vryonis, Jr.
Edwin C. Buxbaum, The Greek American Group of Tarpon Springs, Florida. A Story of Ethnic Identification and Acculturation (New York, 1950). The excellent, detailed description in Karkavitsas of the life cycle and seasons of the insular sponge diving community is based on a real understanding of and insight into the trials and toil, their successes and failure. For those that are interested it is necessary to read the work of
Yannes Gerakes, Sphoungaradikes istories apo to Kalymno to 1900 (Athens, 1990). The author had himself been a direct participant (as a sponge diver) in the island sponge industry of Kalymnos during the years 1903, 1904, 1905, and so he is a direct witness of what he writes. He recalls the deaths and the circumstances of four divers: Manoles Voliares, Matsos,Theophilos Mazoros, and Niketas Splangounias, pp. 29, 98-99, 102, 105, 112-113. He also describes the competition of the Greeks with Arab divers, as well as with one another. The Greek newspaper Kathemerine dedicated its Sunday insert to the Greek sponge fishing industry, "Ellenike Spongaleia," September 13, 1998. It is a most useful and informative contribution.Havafy quotes a passage in Athenaios XIV, 632, which in a few words spells out the "barbarization" of the inhabitants, who had been of Greek origin.
12John Rassias, The Future of the Greek Language and Culture in the United States: Survival in the Diaspora (1999), printed under the sponsorship of theGreek Archdiocese of America. There is a substantial summary of it in The Hellenic Chronicle, June 9, 1999.
"For the Greek text, C.P. Cavafy, Poiemata (1897-1933), ed. George P. Savidis (Athens, 1989), 27.
"This is a vast subject to which only brief reference may be made here. For Greek emigration abroad in the late medieval and modern world, there is now the excellent, analytical and well-written work of Yannis Hasiotes, Episkopesis tes istorias tes neoellenikes diasporas (Thessaloniki, 1993).
On Greek emigration to the United States: Theodore Saloutos, The Greeks in the United States (Cambridge,
1964). Charles Moskos, Greek Americans. Struggle and Success, 2nd ed. (New Brunswick, 1989).
Alexander Kitroeff, Griegos en America (Madrid, 1992).
Chrysie M. Constantakes, The American-Greek Sub-culture: Process of Continuity (New York, 1980).
Harry Psomiades and Alice Scourby, eds., The Greek Community in Transition (New York, 1982). For the Greeks in Canada: Peter D. Chimbos, The Canadian Odyssey. The Greek Experience in Canada (Toronto, 1985).
Efrosini Gavaki, The Immigration of Greeks in Canada (1977). The analytical studies on Greeks in Australia have recently burgeoned. Anastasis Tamis, Istoria ton Ellenon tes Australias (1997, 2000), I-II;
The Immigration and Settlement of Macedonian Greeks in Australia (Melbourne, 1994); An Illustrated History of the Greeks in Australia (La Trobe, 1997). A. Tamis and Demetrios Tsolakis, The History of the Greeks of Canberra and District (La Trobe, 1999). Hugh Gilchrist, Australians and Greeks (Rushkusters Bay, 1992-1997), I-II. P. Tsounis, The Story of a Community. A Pictorial History of the Greek Orthodox Community of South Australia (Adelaide, n.d.). Also Stephanos Constantinides and Maria Herodotou, eds.,
"Greeks in Australia," in Etudes Helleniques 7:2 (1999). The Greeks of Egypt are the subject of: Euthymios Soulogiannes, E ellenike koinoteta sten Alexandreia, 1843-1993 (Athens, 1994). Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks in Egypt, 1919- 1937. Ethnicity and Class (London, 1989).
The Greeks in the lands of the Former Soviet Union: V. Kardassis, 0 Ellenismos ton Pontou (Athens, n.d.).
Vryonis, The Vryonis Family: Four Generations of Greek-American Memories (La Trobe, 2000). For the pungent Kephalonitikes rhimes see, "Oi periphemes kephalonitikes rhimes," in the periodical 0 Pharos tes Kephalonias (Athens,
16Tasos Schoreles, Rembetike Anthologia (Athens, 1978), II, 86. "Schoreles, Rembetika, II, 146. 18Schoreles, Rembetika, II, 307. I
°Elias Petropoulos, Rembetika tragoudia, 2nd ed. (Athens, 1972), 325. 20Schoreles, II, 180. 21Schoreles, II, 314.
22Nikolaos Polites, Paradoseis (Athens, 1965), I, 182. On dolphins, Ashley
Montagu and John C. Lilly, The Dolphin in History (Los Angeles, 1963). 23Polites, Paradoseis, I, 317.
24Polites, Paradoseis, I, 356.
25Quoted in Richard Clogg, The Movement for Greek Independence 1770-1821 (London, 1976), 31-52.
26For some of the background, especially as reflected in literature, law, and other treatises: Albin Lesky, Thalatta, Der Weg der Griechen zum Meer (New York, 1973), an overwhelming book and rich not only in details but as to insights as well.
Edward E. Cohen, Ancient Athenian Maritime Courts (Princeton, 1973).
John Boardman, The Greeks Overseas. Their Early Colonies and Trade, new, enlarged edition (London, 1980).
Angelos Delivorrias, ed., Greece and the Sea (Amsterdam, 1987).
Helene Ahrweihler, Byzance et la mer (Paris, 1966). Speros
Vryonis, ed., The Greeks and the Sea (New Rochelle, 1993); "The Greeks and the Sea. An Ancient Maritime Legacy in Byzantium," in Thymiama ste mneme tes Laskarinas Boura (Athens, 1994), 353-364; "The Greeks and the Sea in Antiquity: An Introduction," 3-22, and, "Thalassa and Hydor: The Sea and Water in Byzantine Literature," 97-112, in Vryonis, Greeks and the Sea.
27For this, Vryonis, "Local Institutions in the Greek Islands and Elements of Byzantine Continuity during Ottoman Rule," Nauchen Tsentyr za slavjanovizantiiski prouchvanija "Ivan Duichev." Godishnik na Sofiiskija Universitet "Sv.
Kliment Ohridski" 83 (1989), 106-107.
28Vryonis, "The Byzantine Legacy in the Formal Culture of the Balkan Peoples,"
in John J. Yiannias, ed., The Byzantine Tradition after the Fall of Constantinople
(Charlottesville and London, 1991), 27. 29Vryonis, "The Byzantine Legacy," 26-27.
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
30Vryonis, "The Greeks and the Sea: An Introduction," 15. Athenaios, The Deipnosophistae, ed. and tr. C.B. Gulick, The Loeb Classical Library, vol. VII,292.
31 Homer, the Odyssey, The Loeb Classical Library, with an English translation by A.J. Murray (Cambridge-London, 1984), the English translation of Murray is in volume I, p. 269. The text reference is VIII, 158-164.
32Vryonis, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization (Berkeley-London, 1971), passim; "The Experience of Christiansunder Seljuks and Ottoman Domination, Eleventh to Sixteenth Century," inMichael Gervers and Ramzi Bikhazi, eds., Conversion and Continuity (Toronto,1990), 185-216.
33Boardman, The Greeks Overseas. W.W. Tarn, Hellenistic Civilization, 3rd ed.(New York, 1969).
34Yiannes Mauromates, To "Peri tes xenitias" poiema. Kritike ekdose, scholia kai lexilogio (Herakleion, 1995).
Guy Saunier, To demotiko tragoudi tes xenitias(Athens, 1983).
35Anthologia Graeca, VII, #256, ed. H. Stadtmuller, Anthologia Graeca (Leipzig, 1899), II-1, p. 176.
36Xenophon, Anabasis, IV, 21. 37See Oswyn Murray, Early Greece, 2nd ed. (London, 1993), 118-120, where
the decree is translated into English. 38Vryonis, "Thalassa and Hydor," 113-121;
"Byzantine Cyprus," in Kypros,published by the Cultural Foundation of the Bank of Cyprus, for the analysis of a similar maritime text, that of Gregory of Cyprus, Enkomion eis ten Thalassan,147-157.
39R.-J. Lilie, Handel and Politik: Zwischen dem byzantinischen Reich and den italienischen Komunen Venedig, Pisa, and Geneva in der Epoche der Komnenen and der Angeloi (1081-1204) (Amsterdam, 1984).
40Karekin Devedjian, Peche et pecherie en Turquie (Constantinople, 1026). H & R. Kahane and Andreas Tietze, The Lingua Franca in the Levant (Urbana,1958). See also, Nicolas Chr. Apostolides, La peche en Grece: Ichthyologie, migrations, engins et maniere' de peche conduits, statistiques, et legislation (Athens, 1988). Fethi Akshiray, Turkiye deniz baliklari ve tayin anabtari, 2nd ed. (Istanbul, 1987). D'Arcy Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Fish (London, 1947). Franz Tinnefeld, "Zu kulinarischen Qualitat byzantinischer Speisefische," Studies in the Mediterranean World, Past and Present, XI (Tokyo, 1988), 155-176.
4 1 Devej ian, Fiche, 295-354. 42Consult Kahane and Tietze, Lingua, passim. 43Evliya Chelebi, Narrative of Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa, translation of J. von Hammer (London, 1846), I, ii, 74. 44Evliya Chelebi, I, ii, 159. "Evliya Chelebi, I, ii, 132. "Aelian, On the Characteristics of Animals, with an English translation by A.F. Scholfield, The Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge-London, 1972), vol. 3, pp. 213-215. The textual reference is to Aelian, XV, 5. For further bibliography of sponge divers see note 10, above.470ppian Colluthos Tryphodorus, with an English translation by A.W. Mair, The Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge-London, 1963), pp. 501-515. The textual reference is V. 616-674.
"Aristotle, Historia Animaliurn, with an English translation by A.L. Peck, The Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge-London, 1970), vol. II passim. 49Evliya Chelebi, I, ii, 161.
50Athenaios, The Deipnosophistae, The Loeb Classical Library, vol. VII, 293."Aristotle, Historia Animalium, passim.
52Anthologia Graeca, IX, #415.Acknowledgments for Rights to Reproduce from English Translations of Greek Works Reprinted by permission of the publishers and Trustees of the Loeb Classical Library from p. 269 in Homer, Odyssey, volume 1, Loeb Classical Library volume#L104, translated by A.T. Murray; pp. 213, 215 in Aelian: Volume 1: On the
Characteristics of Animals, Loeb Classical Library volume #L446, translated byA.F. Schofield; and pp. 501, 503, 511, 515 in Oppian, Colluthos, and Tyyphidorus, Loeb Classical Library volume #L219, translated by A.W. Mair, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995, 1959, 1928. The Loeb Library ® is aregistered trademark of the President and Fellows of Harvard College.From the Axion Esti, by Odysseus Elytis, trans. by Edmund Keeley andGeorge Savidis, 1974. Used by permission of he University of Pittsburgh Press.
SPEROS VRYONIS, JR --- JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
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